園田義明めも。

時事さんは一番肝心なところを訳しておりません。
大騒ぎになると思ったのでしょうか。

ビクター・チャによりますと、日本の官僚たちは公然と愚痴をこぼしているそうです。
はたしてどんな愚痴なのか。

それは・・・

それは・・・



「猿がコックピットにいる」



Bureaucrats who once ran the country like the autopilot on a jumbo airliner now openly complain that monkeys (politicians) are in the cockpit.


＜関連記事引用＞

「信頼喪失以上の代償も」＝鳩山政権に警告－元米高官
http://www.jiji.co.jp/jc/c?g=pol_30&k=2010010800636

　【ニューヨーク時事】ビクター・チャ元米国家安全保障会議（ＮＳＣ）アジア部長は７日までにニューヨーク・タイムズ紙に寄稿し、外交や経済政策に関する鳩山政権の行動は「戦略的明確性」を欠いていると批判、「米日関係における信頼と政治的善意を失う以上の代償をもたらす恐れがある」と警告した。

　チャ氏は、鳩山政権が明確な戦略や行動計画を打ち出せないことにより、過去半世紀で最大の「政治的真空状態」を生んだと指摘。「こうした真空状態での（鳩山政権の）言動は、米日関係を予測不能な方向に進ませ得る」と警鐘を鳴らした。

　特に、鳩山首相が米国を除外する東アジア共同体構想を口にしたほか、昨年１２月に訪日したイランの核交渉責任者を「赤じゅうたんの上で丁重にもてなした」ことに触れ、「（日米の）信頼と友好の蓄積を奪い始めている」との懸念を示した。　

　チャ氏は韓国の盧武鉉前政権が明確な理念なしに米国離れを訴え、米韓関係の悪化が経済不安にまで発展した例を挙げ、鳩山政権は「この経験から学ぶべきだ」と強調。「同盟のための行動計画を明確にしなければ、その代価は感情を傷つけるだけでは済まない、はるかにひどいものになるかもしれない」と憂慮している。（2010/01/08-16:08）


Focus on Policy, Not Politics
By VICTOR D. CHA
Published: January 7, 2010
http://www.nytimes.com/2010/01/08/opinion/08iht-edcha.html

TOKYO — There is a new sheriff in town. Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama and Ichiro Ozawa, secretary of the Democratic Party of Japan, are breaking the half-century of conservative rule by the Liberal Democrat Party. But the problem is they lack a clear direction.

Bureaucrats who once ran the country like the autopilot on a jumbo airliner now openly complain that monkeys (politicians) are in the cockpit. Normally polite and serene establishment types now pound the table in anger, and in full view of foreigners, over Mr. Hatoyama’s incompetence and deride the D.P.J., a coalition of socialist and liberal politicians who through their own ineptness once ensured that Japan would be forever seen as a one-party democracy.

But now, “citizen’s committees” in the new government publicly call bureaucrats to task as they slash budgets and redistribute resources. Mr. Hatoyama is wresting power from every corner of the bureaucracy but he has done nothing with his party’s new found clout, effectively causing the entire government to grind to a halt.

This is the biggest political change in Japan in many decades; one that has rattled the foundations of the stable, predictable U.S.-Japan alliance.

The immediate issue for Washington and Tokyo has been the implementation of a $26 billion base relocation agreement, a critical portion of which is to relocate a Marine Corps Air Station in Futenma to a less populated part of Okinawa. In other signs of resistance, Mr. Hatoyama announced during his meeting with President Obama in November that Japan would no longer provide Japanese Navy ships for fresh water and refueling for U.S. warships operating in support of Afghanistan operations. Moreover, at the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation meetings in Singapore, Mr. Hatoyama called for a vision of an East Asia community that excluded the United States.

In December, Mr. Ozawa, the D.P.J. power broker, ordered the imperial household to break protocol and allow Vice President Xi Jinping of China to meet with the emperor to shore up ties with the senior Chinese leader. Later that month, Iran’s national security secretary was given red carpet treatment.

Is Japan rewriting the terms of the U.S.-Japan alliance? Probably not. One gets the sense of a new government trying to define an identity that is different from its wholly pro-American conservative predecessors, but certainly not one that is anti-American.

Domestic political calculations play a role in that the government needs to appease about 10 socialists (who are anti-American) until it can pass its budget, and then must focus on winning an absolute majority in the next legislative elections in July. The unfortunate victim of this confluence of political forces is the U.S. base agreement, as Mr. Hatoyama and Mr. Ozawa delay real decisions for vote calculations.

But Tokyo needs to realize that time is not on its side. What has resulted from Mr. Hatoyama’s failure to enunciate a clear strategy or action plan is the biggest political vacuum in over 50 years. And the problem with such vacuums is that every statement or action can be taken out of context and propel U.S.-Japan relations in unpredictable directions. In this context, Mr. Hatoyama’s statements about an East Asia community minus the U.S. or its red carpet treatment of Iran start to deplete the reservoir of trust and goodwill.

Amid this vacuum, Mr. Ozawa took 140 politicians to Beijing last month to share toasts and smiles with President Hu Jintao, making an otherwise welcome event in regional relations look like a deliberate poke at Washington.

Operating without strategic clarity can have costs beyond the loss of trust and political goodwill. In 2002, for example, Roh Moo-hyun was elected president of South Korea amid a groundswell of anti-American sentiment. Like Mr. Hatoyama, he made inflammatory statements about being independent of the U.S. alliance, but had no real vision behind them. This led to the worst of both worlds — angry relations with allies, but no real alternate strategy. Moreover, the crisis of trust in the alliance precipitated a drop in market confidence among foreign investors and massive transfers of currency abroad by South Korean companies until the situation stabilized.

Mr. Hatoyama and Mr. Ozawa need to learn from this experience. They must elucidate an economic strategy and an alliance action plan. Otherwise the costs could be far worse than hurt feelings on either side of the Pacific.

Victor D. Cha is director of Asian Studies at Georgetown and senior adviser at the Center for Strategic and International Studies. He served as director for Japan and Korean affairs on the National Security Council from 2004 to 2007.